2020年1月31日英國政府依《里斯本條約》第50條脫離歐盟。曾經是歐盟三大會員國之一，英國與歐盟間的動態關係牽動了外交及內政下多項議題。本篇論文的寫作目的即是透過結合國際關係理論中建構主義及外交政策分析中的角色理論，對英國與歐盟各自在整體外交政策差異以及脫歐協商過程對特定議題所提立場提出解釋。

在建構主義學者對認同研究的基礎下，本文將歐盟所形成之集體認同區分為理想性及地緣政治性兩種價值取向不同的認同，觀察歐盟「共同外交暨安全政策」及「共同安全暨防衛政策」架構下之外交行為，進而推導出歐盟在外交上建立的柔性強權與軍事強權兩種角色。其中柔性強權角色受到區域及國際層次的支持，但軍事強權角色則尚處於塑造階段。

二戰後英國所形成的國家認同，則可由大英國協紐帶、英美特殊關係及疑歐主義等三個構成性規範來定義。英國圈國家被內化成為英國建立及延伸自我的基礎，而歐洲大陸則被視為他者，故而英國參與統合態度並不積極，且未能將歐盟共同外交暨安全政策機制視為可進一步投射國家實力的外交政策選項。檢視過去十年間英國在國際上所突顯且被接納的角色，包括維持現狀強權與自由派干預主義者等，皆透過歐盟既有架構外的機制進行建構。

英國作為主權國家所重視的自主性與歐洲統合中所注重的「團結」原則使雙方在國際層次上的外交行為展現出不同的特性，也決定了英國與歐盟在《脫歐協議》協商過程中立場上的衝突與差異。歐盟法院管轄權及人員自由流動等二項歐盟規範在英國國內社會化的過程中，因與國家認同的核心價值相衝突，而產生了適用上的爭辯。英國欲在脫歐後終止歐盟規範的社會化，並試圖提出國會主權及領土疆界兩項新生規範以強化脫歐後「主權國家」角色設定過程。

歐盟於外交政策上的角色概念受限於共同外交暨安全政策的政府間主義本質，故歐盟外交架構無法支撐英國在外交政策上所欲積極扮演之各項角色。預計英國脫歐後，仍會通過與更接近其國家認同核心的英語圈國家建立關係，來實現脫歐後「全球性英國」角色。但英國對於歐盟內部規範的實踐則不會隨著退出歐盟而立即終止。《脫歐協議》談判過程已驗證，英國難以在未取得歐盟同意下單方面提出或終止相關規範的社會化。預計後續英歐所進行之未來關係協商，亦將重現相同的模式。

Pursuant to article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty, the government of United Kingdom withdrew from European Union starting from January 31th of 2020. UK used to be one of the Big Three in the Union, hence the dynamic relationship between EU and UK touches upon various issues in the foreign and internal policy domains. The gist of this dissertation would be using the framework in which key ideas of Constructivism and Role theory have been integrated, to interpret the differences in overall foreign policy choices between those of UK and EU and their positions in specific issues while negotiating the Withdrawal Treaty.

Based on Constructivists’ studies about identities, the collective identities which EU formed has been categorized as idealistic and geopolitical ones in this dissertation. We can thus observe EU’s external behaviors under Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Common Foreign and Defence Policy (CSDP) and conclude that it forges two role conceptions: Civilian Power and Military Power. While the former has received a wide range of support in both of regional and international levels, the latter is still in the making.

The national identity that UK forged after World War Two could be defined by three constitutive norms: the bond with the Commonwealth countries, special relationship with the United States and Euroscepticism. UK has recognized countries in the Anglosphere as part of the Self, and regarded the Europe continent as the Other. This division has contributed to the fact that UK detached itself from getting more involved in the integration process and avoided using CFSP and CSDP mechanism as a valid choice to extend its diplomatic influence. If we look back to the most prominent national roles UK proposed and being well-received in the international community over the past decade, including Status-Quo Power and Liberal Interventionalist, it could be found that both roles has been built outside the current EU arrangements.

The much emphasized “autonomy” of UK as a sovereign country and the solidarity principle of EU have not only manifested themselves in each of their external behaviors, but also in the clashes of their standpoints during the withdrawal negotiation. The jurisdiction of Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and freedom of movement of people are two of the much debated norms during their socialization process in the UK, and the reason for that is these norms contradict with the core values of UK’s national identity. UK expressed its stringent position in terminating these two EU norms, and started the role-making process of Sovereign by initiating the norm emergence of parliamentary sovereignty and territorial boundary.

The role conceptions of EU at the diplomatic front has been constrained by the intergovernmentalism nature of CFSP. The CFSP framework thus failed to support the more assertive roles UK proposed. It is expected that UK will continue to pursue its post-Brexit “Global Britain” role through cultivating exchanges with Anglosphere nations. However, the socialization of the EU norms would not immediately be terminated after Brexit. The negotiation process of “Withdrawal Treaty” had revealed that UK would be not able to initiate or terminate the socialization of norms unilaterally. We have reasons to believe that the ongoing negotiation process of the future relationship between EU and UK would again validate this point.

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鍾志東，2019/7/29。〈中英在香港與南海角力的戰略思惟〉，《國防情勢月報》，第
145期，頁16-26。
羅至美，2018/9。〈英國脫歐議題及其對歐洲統合的意涵〉，《問題與研究》， 第57卷，第3期，頁1-52。
藍玉春，2005/6。〈歐盟多層次治理：論點與現象〉，《政治科學論叢》，第24期，頁49-76。
_____，2009/1/1。〈從建構主義探討形塑中的歐洲認同〉，《全球政治評論》，第25期，頁81-116。
_____，2010/10。〈歐盟安全暨防衛政策之制度建構與人道救援之行動實踐〉，《全球政治評論》，第32期，頁77-96。
嚴震生，2015/11。〈2015年習近平訪英意涵分析〉，《展望與探索》，第13卷，第11期，頁19-26。
蘇宏達，2007。〈論歐洲憲法的優位性〉，《歐美研究》，第37卷，第2期，頁323-389。

四、學位論文
陳仲沂，2015。《歐洲整合發展與演進：權力、利益、認同與制度建構之整合分析》。臺中市：中興大學國際政治研究所博士論文。
黃英哲，2012。《歐洲聯盟之政治正當性建構》，新北市：淡江大學歐洲研究所博士論文。
張惠玲，2003。《歐盟「共同外交暨安全政策」之整合談判過程與臺海兩岸協商經驗之比較》，高雄市：國立中山大學大陸研究所博士論文。

五、研討會論文
黃榮源，2007/4/13，〈全球治理體系的下層建構：歐盟「區域委員會」(CoR)之探討〉，「第二屆全球化與行政治理國際學術」研討會，桃園縣：開南大學公共事務管理學系(所)。頁1-15。
張福昌，2011/12/7-9。〈歐洲聯盟政治統合的發展與前瞻〉，「第一屆兩岸歐盟研究學術論壇」，臺北市：臺灣歐盟聯盟中心，頁113-132。

六、報紙
羅至美，2019/1/17。〈英國脫歐 沒有最糟只有更糟〉，《中國時報》。

七、網際網路
BBC中文網，2018/3/21。〈外熱內冷：中英貿易的期望與差距〉， <https://www.bbc.com/zhongwen/trad/business-43485181>。
中國一帶一路網，2013/10/13。〈習近平：中國願同東盟國家共建21世紀「海上絲綢之路」〉， <https://www.yidaiyilu.gov.cn/yw/gnyw/2037.htm>。
中華人民共和國國防部，2016/7/18。〈中國不接受南海仲裁案裁決具有法理正當性〉，《解放軍報》，<http://www.mod.gov.cn/big5/jmsd/2016-07/18/content_4695231_2.htm>。
中華人民共和國外交部，2019/7/3。〈2019年7月3日外交部發言人耿爽主持例行記者會〉， <https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/web/fyrbt_673021/t1678143.shtml>。
____，2019/8/10。〈外交部發言人華春瑩就英方涉港錯誤言行答記者問〉， <https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/web/fyrbt_673021/dhdw_673027/t1687809.shtml>。
宋燕輝，2018/9/9。〈當英國海軍出現在南海〉，《中時電子報》， < https://www.chinatimes.com/opinion/20180909002845-262105?chdtv >。
張福昌，2018/12/26。〈歐盟 PESCO 防衛合作上路，歐洲軍隊仍欠東風〉，《臺北論壇》，頁1-7，<http://www.taipeiforum.org.tw/view_pdf/502.pdf >。
蒙克，2019/9/10。〈英國航母計劃南海航行，中國警告英國勿被人當槍使〉，《BBC中文網》， <https://www.bbc.com/zhongwen/trad/chinese-news-49652326>。
魏光志，2019/5/23。〈淺析英法派艦南海「自由航行」戰略意涵〉，《青年日報》，<https://www.ydn.com.tw/News/337348>.

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四、報紙
Powell, Enoch, 1975/6/4. “The One Stark Fact that Goes Beyond Butter Mountains and Bureaucrats,” The Times.

五、研討會論文
Harnisch, Sebastian, 2014/3. “Full Spectrum role-taking: A two-level role theoretical model,” paper prepared for Annual Conference of the International Studies Association 2014, Toronto: International Studies Association, pp. 1-40.
Risse, Thomas, 2002/12/6-8. “The Euro and Identity Politics in Europe,” paper presented at the The Year of the Euro. Paris: Nanovic Institute for European Studies, University of Notre Dame. pp. 1-21.
Szczerbiak, Aleks and Paul Taggart, 2003/3/27-29. "Theorizing party-based Euroskepticism: Problems of definition, measurement and causality," paper presented at the 8th Biannual International Conference of the European Union Studies Association Conference, Nashville: European Union Studies Associatioin Conference, pp. 1-18.

六、官方文件
Commission of the European Communities, 1990/12. “Public Opinion in the European Community,” Eurobarometer No. 34, pp. 1-71.
____, 1993/12. Report from the Commission: on the Citizenship of the Union, Brussels COM(93) 702 final, Vol. 21, pp. 1-8.
Council of the European Union, 2010/7/20. Council Decision Establishing the Organization and Functioning of the European External Action Service, 2010/427/EU, pp. 1-10.
____, 2011/3/2. Libya: EU imposes arms embargo and targeted sanctions, 7081/11, pp. 1-2.
____, 2017/5/22. Directives for the negotiation of an agreement with the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland setting out the arrangements for its withdrawal from the European Union, XT 21016/17 ADD 1 REV 2, pp. 1-18.
____, 2018/1. Supplementary directives for the negotiation of an agreement with the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland setting out the arrangements for its withdrawal from the European Union, XT 21004/18 ADD 1 REV 2, pp. 1-8.
____, 2018/6/26, Enlargement and Stabilisation and Association Process  Council conclusions, 10555/18, pp. 1-28.
____, 2018/11/22. Political declaration setting out the framework for the future relationship between the European Union and the United Kingdom, XT 21095/18, pp. 1-36.
____, 2020/02/25. ANNEX to COUNCIL DECISION authorising the opening of negotiations with the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland for a new partnership agreement, 5870/20 ADD 1 REV 3, pp. 1-46.
Court of Justice of the European Union, 2017/7/ 26. A.S. v Slovenian Republic and C-646/16 Khadija Jafari and Zainab Jafari, C-490/16.
____, 2019/3/19. Jawo, C-163/17, C-297/17, C-318/17,C-319/17,C-438/17.
____, 2020/4/2. Commission v Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic, C-715/17, C-718/17 and C-719/17.
European Commission, 2000/11-12. “Public Opinion in the European Community,” Eurobarometer 54, pp. 1-100.
____, 2001/7. Public Opinion and European Defense, Eurobarometer 146, pp. 1-21.
____, 2010/5. “Public Opinion in the European Community,” Standard Eurobarometer 73, pp. 1-43.
____, 2017/4. “Designing Europe’s future: Security and Defense,” Special Eurobarometer 461, pp. 1-21.
____, 2017/9/6. Guiding principles transmitted to EU27 for the Dialogue on Ireland/Northern Ireland, TF50 (2017) 15 – Commission to EU 27, pp. 1-5.
____, 2017/12/7. Relocation: Commission refers the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland to the Court of Justice, press release, IP/17/5002.
____, 2017/12/8. Joint report from the negotiators of the European Union and the United Kingdom Government on progress during phase 1 of negotiations under Article 50 TEU on the United Kingdom's orderly withdrawal from the European Union, TF50 (2017) 19 – Commission to EU 27, pp. 1-15.
____, 2018/1/24. Internal EU27 preparatory discussions on the framework for the future relationship: Security, Defence and Foreign Policy, TF50(2018)25-Commission to EU, pp. 1-39.
____, 2018/2/7. Position paper "Transitional Arrangements in the Withdrawal Agreement", TF50 (2018) 30 – Commission to EU 27.
____, 2018/6/19. Joint statement from the negotiators of the European Union and the United Kingdom Government on progress of negotiations under Article 50 TEU on the United Kingdom's orderly withdrawal from the European Union, TF50 (2018) 52 – Commission to EU 27.
____, 2018/9/21. Commission Report on the operation of Directive 2011/24/EU on the application of patients' rights in cross-border healthcare, COM(2018) 651, pp. 1-16.
____, 2019/3. “Europeans in 2019,” Special Eurobarometer 486, pp.1-166.
____, 2019/3/11. Instrument relating to the agreement on the withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community, TF50 (2019) 61 – Commission to EU 27, pp. 1-4
____, 2019/3/11. Joint Statement supplementing the Political Declaration setting out the framework for the future relationship between the European Union and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, TF50 (2019) 62 – Commission to EU 27, pp. 1-2.
____, 2019/3/27. European Commission and HR/VP contribution to the European Council: EU-China – A strategic outlook, JOIN(2019) 5 final, pp. 1-11.
____, 2019/10/17. Revised text of the Political Declaration setting out the framework for the future relationship between the European Union and the United Kingdom as agreed at negotiators’ level on 17 October 2019, to replace the one published in OJ C 66I of 19.2.2019., TF50 (2019) 65 – Commission to EU 27, pp.1-27.
European Council, 2016/2/19, European Council meeting (18 and 19 February 2016)– Conclusions, EUCO 1/16, pp. 1-36.
____, 2017/4/29. Special meeting of the European Council (Art. 50) (29 April 2017)- Guidelines, EUCO XT 20004/17, pp.1-9.
____, 2017/12/15. European Council (Art. 50) meeting (15 December 2017)-Guidelines,　EUCO XT 20011/17, pp. 1-3.
____, 2018/3/23, European Council (Art. 50) (23 March 2018) – Guidelines, EUCO XT 20001/18, pp. 1-7.
European Union External Action, 2016/6. Shared Vision, Common Action: A Stronger Europe: A Global Strategy for the European Union’s Foreign And Security Policy, pp. 1-56.
European Parliament, 2018/10. “Parlemeter 2018, Taking up the Challenge: From (Silent) Support to Actual Vote, ” Eurobarometer Survey 90 of the European Parliament: A Public Opinion, pp. 1-85.
____, 2019/1/29. On the implementation of the Cross-Border Healthcare Directive, A8-0046/2019, pp. 1-28.
UK Attorney General’s Office,2018/11/13. Legal Effect of the Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland, pp.1-6.
UK Cabinet Office, 2008/3. The National Security Strategy of the United Kingdom: Security in an Independent World, Cm 7291, pp. 1-61
____, 2009/6. The National Security Strategy of the United Kingdom: Update 2009 Security for the Next Generation, Cm 7590, pp. 1-112.
UK Department for Exiting the European Union, 2017/7/13. Ongoing Union judicial and administrative proceedings-Position Paper, pp. 1-4.
____, 2017/8/23. Enforcement and dispute resolution- a future partnership paper, pp. 1-12.
____, 2018/7/17. The future relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union, Cm 9593, pp. 1-98.
____, 2018/11/25. “Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland,” Agreement on the withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community, as endorsed by leaders at a special meeting of the European Council on 25 November 2018, pp. 301-329.
____, 2018/12/6. Policy Paper : Citizens’ Rights - EU citizens in the UK and UK nationals in the EU, pp. 1-10.
____, 2019/3/11. Declaration by Her Majesty’s Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland concerning the Northern Ireland Protocol, p.1.
UK England and Wales High Court, 2002/2/18. Thoburn v. Sunderland City Council, [2002] EWHC 195 (Admin).
UK Foreign & Commonwealth Office, 2015/6/29. Annual Report & Accounts: 2014-2015, HC 25, pp. 1-132.
____, 2020/07/16. Annual Report & Accounts: 2019-2020, HC 553, pp. 1-103.
UK Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1970-1971. The United Kingdom and the European Communities, Cmnd 4715, pp. 1-45.
UK High Court of Justice, 2016/11/3. R (Miller and Dos Santos) v. Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union, EWHC 2768.
UK HM Government, 2010/10. A Strong Britain in an Age of Uncertainty: The National Security Strategy, Cm 7953, pp. 1-37.
____, 2013/7. Review of the Balance of Competences between the United Kingdom and the European Union - Foreign Policy, pp.1-118.
____, 2014. Review of the Balance of Competences between the United Kingdom and the European Union Single Market: Free Movement of Persons, pp. 1-84.
____, 2017/6/24. The United Kingdom’s Exit from the European Union: Safeguarding the Position of EU Citizens Living in the UK and UK Nationals Living in the EU, Cm 9464, pp. 1-20.
____, 2017/8/16. Position Paper: Northern Ireland and Ireland, pp. 1-28.
____, 2018/2/20. Draft text for discussion: Implementation Period, pp. 1-10.
____, 2018/3. National Security Capability Review, pp. 1-49.
____, 2018/6/7. Technical Note: Temporary Customs Arrangement, pp. 1-6.
____, 2018/7. The future relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union, Cm 9593, pp. 1-98.
____, 2019/10/2. Explanatory Note: UK Proposals for an Amended Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland, pp. 1-7.
____, 2019/10/19. Political Declaration setting out the framework for the future relationship between the European Union and the United Kingdom, pp. 18-20.
UK House of Commons, 1972/2/17. “European Communities Bill,” HANSARD 1803–2005,　Vol. 831, cc629-761, No. 701.
UK House of Commons and House of Lords, 2019/7/21. Revisiting the UK’s national security strategy: The National Security Capability Review and the Modernising Defence Programme, Joint Committee on the National Security Strategy, Fourth Report of Session 2017–19, pp. 1-44.
UK House of Commons Defence Committee, 2011/8/3. The Strategic Defence and Security Review and the National Security Strategy- Sixth Report of Session 2010-12, HC 761, pp. 1-160.
UK House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, 2015/2/24. The FCO’s perfermance and finances in 2013-2014, Ninth Report of Session 2014–15, HC 605, pp. 1-38.
____, 2016/9/14. Libya: Examination of intervention and collapse and the UK’s future policy options, Third Report of Session 2016-17, HC 119, pp. 1-46.
UK House of Lords, 2016/2. Europe in the world: Towards a more effective EU foreign and security strategy, European Union Committee 8th Report of Session, HL Paper 97, pp. 1-84.
UK Ministry of Defence, 2020/2/20. UK Armed Forces: Quarterly Service Personnel Statistics, 1 January 2020,” pp. 1-14.
UK Prime Minister’s Office, 2019/10/2. Policy Paper: UK proposals for a new Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland, pp.1-4.
____, 2020/2/27. The Future Relationship between the UK and the EU- The UK’s Approach to Negotiations, Written statement to Parliament, CP211, pp. 1-30.
UK Supreme Court, 2014/1/22. R (on the application of HS2 Action Alliance Limited) (Appellant) v The Secretary of State for Transport and another (Respondents), [2014] UKSC 3, pp. 1-74.
____, 2017/1/24. R (Miller and Dos Santos) v. Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union, [2017] UKSC 5, pp. 1-97.
____, 2019/9/24. R (on the application of Miller) (Appellant) v The Prime Minister (Respondent) Cherry and others (Respondents) v Advocate General for Scotland (Appellant) (Scotland), [2019] UKSC, pp. 1-24 .
United Nations Security Council, 2011/2/26. Resolution 1970 (2011), S/RES/1970, February 26, pp. 1-10.
U.S. Department of Defense, 2019/6/1. Indo-Pacific Strategy Report: Preparedness, Partnerships, and Promoting a Networked Region, pp.1-55.

七、網際網路
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____, 2018/6/7. “Brexit: May and Davis ‘agree customs backstop wording’,” < https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-44391539>.
____, 2018/11/6. “France’s Macron pushes for ‘true European army,” < https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-46108633>.
Baldoni, Emiliana, 2003/7. “The Free Movement of Persons in the European Union: A Legal-historical Overview,” PIONEUR Working Paper, No. 2, pp. 1-19, < https://www.academia.edu/21816300/The_Free_Movement_of_Persons_in_the_European_Union_A_Legal-historical_Overview>.
Blagden, David, 2016/4/28. “The Fate of Britain: Offshore Balancing and the Brexit,” Wars on the Rocks: Texas National Security Review, <https://warontherocks.com/2016/04/the-fate-of-britain-offshore-balancing-and-the-brexit/>.
Barnes, Julian E. and Helene Cooper, 2019/1/14. “Trump Discussed Pulling U.S. From NATO, Aides Say Amid New Concerns Over Russia,” The New York Times, <https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/14/us/politics/nato-president-trump.html>.
Beale, Jonathan, 2014/1/16. “Military Cuts Mean ‘No US Partnership,’ Robert Gates Warns Britain,”, BBC News, <https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-25754870>.
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____, 2020/5/8. “Coronavirus: Commission invites Member States to prolong restriction on non-essential travel to the EU until 15 June,” press release, < https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_20_823 >.
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____, 2019/6/14. “From Vision to Action: The EU Global Strategy in Practice- Three years on, looking forward,” <https://eeas.europa.eu/topics/eu-global-strategy/64034/vision-action-eu-global-strategy-practice-three-years-looking-forward_en>.
European Parliament, 2015/4/20. The impact of the 'defence package' Directives on European defence, Directorate-General For External Policies, Policy Department, April 20, 2015, pp. 1-69, < https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/STUD/2015/549044/EXPO_STU(2015)549044_EN.pdf>.
____, 2016/3. “The economic impact of suspending Schengen,” pp. 1-2. < https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/ATAG/2016/579074/EPRS_ATA(2016)579074_EN.pdf>.
European Union Institute for Security Studies, 2017/1/25. A Handbook - The EU and The World: Players and Policies Post-Lisbon, Antonio Missiroli, eds., pp. 1-207, <https://www.iss.europa.eu/sites/default/files/EUISSFiles/EU_Handbook.pdf>.
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Elliot, Mark, 2014/3/3. “Reflections on the HS2 Case: A Hierarchy of Domestic Constitutional Norms and the Qualified Primacy of EU Law,” SSRN, <https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2432035>.
Emmott, Robin 2016/7/15. “EU's statement on South China Sea reflects divisions,” Reuters, <https://www.reuters.com/article/southchinasea-ruling-eu-idUSL8N1A130Y>.
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Ferguson, Daniel, Hannah Wilkins, Melissa Macdonald, Vaughne Miller, August 29, 2019, “Will free movement end from 31 October 2019?” House of Commons Library, <https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/home-affairs/immigration/will-free-movement-end-from-31-october-2019/>.
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