儘管在美國文化中普遍的觀念認為自我提升是有益的，但實證證據卻仍存在歧異。本研究將採用一個改良的研究方法來修正過去研究中操作上的不足，並針對台美青少年的自我提升提供理論分析。研究一欲建立出潛藏於自我提升傾向下的動機，以檢視台灣青少年自我提升與學業成績之關係，研究對象為214位台灣七年級的國中學生，研究方法為請受試者完成數學測驗後，將受試者自評答對題數、實際答對題數、提供金錢獎勵再次自評答對題數，分析這三者間的殘差與學期總成績之關係。研究二則是採用與研究一同樣的研究方法探討台灣和美國青少年自我提升與數學學期總成績之關係，研究對象為214位台灣七年級的國中學生以及128位美國七年級和十年級學生。研究三追蹤研究二所有參與者的自我提升與後續四個學期的數學學期總成績之長期關係。研究四則是檢定毅力為自我知覺和學業表現之中介變項的假定，研究對象與研究一相同。本研究主要發現如下：（1）本研究的改良工具，在研究一產生三種比較方式並證實了動機偏誤。首先，驗證台灣青少年「正確自我評估者」短期學業成績較「自我貶抑者」和「自我提升者」為佳；其次，發現「無意的正確自我評估者」短期學業成績較「無意的自我貶抑者」和「無意的自我提升者」為佳；最後，「有意的自我貶抑者」的短期學業成績較「有意的自我提升者」和「有意的正確評估者」為佳。（2）研究二在台灣和美國青少年短期數學成績也採用和研究一同樣的三種比較方式，只有在「有意的自我評估」這一項，台灣「有意的自我貶抑者」成績優於「有意的正確評估者」和「有意的自我提升者」；其他的五種比較結果均為「正確自我評估者」短期數學成績最好。（3）研究三將所蒐集的資料包括自我提升（無意的自我評估和有意的自我評估）、國家（台灣和美國）、以及數學學期總成績（四個學期）進行三因子混合設計變異數分析，結果發現在「無意的自我評估」方面，無論是台灣和美國青少年，四個學期的數學成績均為「無意的正確自我評估者」表現最好，其次為「無意的自我提升者」及「無意的自我貶抑者」；然而，在「有意的自我評估」方面，三因子交互作用達顯著，主要結果有二方面，首先，台灣學生「有意的自我貶抑者」四個學期的數學成績均優於「有意的正確評估者」和「有意的自我提升者」，美國「有意的自我貶抑者」有三個學期的數學成績優於「有意的自我提升者」；其次，就「有意的自我提升者」的受試者而言，美國人有兩個學期的數學成績優於台灣人，就「有意的自我貶抑者」的受試者來說，台灣人四個學期的數學成績表現均優於美國人。（4）研究四在「無意的自我評估」中，毅力是自我知覺偏誤與學業表現之中介變項；然而，在「有意的自我評估」中，毅力則無中介效果。
本研究對理論、研究及實務皆具義涵，貢獻包括：（1）創建了一個改良的方法，修正過去研究中操作上的不足，為此領域踏出重要的一步。（2）建構出自我提升完整的構念以及澄清其潛藏之動機偏誤（3）國內外第一個採用此創新方法，去區分出自我提升在跨文化的差異，尤其是進一步釐清台灣人的自我貶抑偏誤。

It is widely accepted in American society that self-enhancement is beneficial, but the evidences supporting this idea are contradicted. In this study, a theoretical analysis for understanding self-enhancement among Taiwanese and America adolescents is provided by using a refined methodology which reduced the errors that occurred from previous research. Study 1 was to identify the motivation underlying the self-enhancing tendency for academic performance among Taiwanese adolescents via an amended methodology which is measuring self-enhancement through the residual discrepancy among perceived performance without incentive, perceived performance with incentive, and actual performance. The participants included 214 Taiwanese students in seventh grade. Study 2 was to understand the short term relationship between self-enhancement and mathematics achievement in Taiwanese and American adolescents via the same amended methodology in Study1. The participants included 214 Taiwanese students in seventh grade and 128 American students of seventh and tenth grades. Study 3 was to tracks the prediction of mathematics achievement in Taiwanese and American adolescents across four semesters. The participants in Study 3 are the same as Study 2. Study 4 was to test the hypothesis that grit mediates the relationship between self-perception and academic performance. The participants in Study 4 are the same as Study 1. Results showed that (1) The refined methodology leads to three types of analysis and demonstrate a motivational bias for Taiwanese adolescents in Study 1. First, self-enhancers and self-effacers show lower short term academic performance than accurate self-assessors. Second, self-enhancers unintentionally and self-effacers unintentionally show lower short term academic performance than accurate self-assessors unintentionally. Lastly, self-effacers intentionally outperformed self-enhancers intentionally and accurate self-assessors intentionally. (2) Three types of analysis in Study 1 were conducted on Taiwanese and American adolescents respectively in Study 2. That self-effacers intentionally outperformed their peers in school only showed in Taiwanese adolescents. For the other analysis, whether self-assessing unintentionally or intentionally, the results all reveal accurate self-assessors outperformed their peers for short term mathematics achievement. (3) A three-way ANOVA for country, type of self-perception and semester was conducted on the mathematics achievement in Study3. For self-assessing unintentionally, the results showed that during the four semesters, no matter in Taiwan or in the U.S., the mathematics achievement was highest in accurate self-assessors unintentionally, then in self-enhancer unintentionally and lowest in self-effacer unintentionally. However, for self-assessing intentionally, the three-way interaction was significant. First, for Taiwanese, the mathematics achievement was highest in self-effacer intentionally, then in accurate self-assessors intentionally, and lowest in self-enhancer intentionally in four semesters. For Americans, the mathematics achievement was higher in self-effacer intentionally than self-enhancer intentionally in three semesters. Second, for self-enhancer intentionally, Americans outperformed Taiwanese in two semesters. For self-effacer intentionally, Taiwanese outperformed Americans in four semesters. (4) In Study4, for self-assessing unintentionally, the results showed that grit mediates the relationship between self-perception bias and academic performance. For self-assessing intentionally, the results showed that grit was not a significant mediator between self-perception intentionally and academic performance.
The article concludes with implications for theory, research and practice. First of all, a major force of the present research is methodological. This research has taken a step in the direction of defining and measuring self-enhancement via a refined methodology. Second, this research provides a precise construct of self-enhancement and demonstrates the motivational bias. Lastly, this is the first study use refined methodology to distinguish the difference of self-enhancement between the cultures, especially the self-effacing bias in Taiwan.

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