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| 研究生： |
郭珮蓉 Eileen Pei-Jung Kuo |
|---|---|
| 論文名稱： |
論現代漢語中的虛化動詞結構 On the Light Verb Constructions in Modern Chinese |
| 指導教授： |
丁仁
Ting, Jen |
| 學位類別： |
碩士 Master |
| 系所名稱： |
華語文教學系 Department of Chinese as a Second Language |
| 論文出版年： | 2003 |
| 畢業學年度： | 91 |
| 語文別： | 中文 |
| 論文頁數： | 139 |
| 中文關鍵詞： | 虛化動詞 、動名兼類詞 、論元傳遞 、帶論元名詞 、詞類選擇 、語義選擇 |
| 英文關鍵詞： | light verb, verbal noun, Argument Transfer, argument-taking nominal, c-selection, s-selection |
| 論文種類： | 學術論文 |
| 相關次數： | 點閱：461 下載：39 |
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本論文旨在探討現代漢語中的虛化動詞結構。所謂的虛化動詞結構即為在句子中包含一個虛化動詞 (light verb) 及一個動名兼類詞 (verbal noun) 。在此結構中，動名兼類詞決定句中論元之論旨角色（參閱朱（1985））。本論文建議應將漢語中的虛化動詞分成兩大類，包括甲類：「進行」和「做」以及乙類：「加以」、「予以」、「給以」、「給予」。從這兩類在句法上的不同表現，我們可推知他們各自擁有不同的組成成份，而這兩類也會有不同的論旨指派機制。甲類的虛化動詞喪失了論旨指派作用，但仍保留了其詞類選擇(c-selection) 和格 (case) 的指派能力。且此類動詞會在他們的動名兼類詞之上加諸語義選擇。甲類的虛化動詞會選擇簡單事件名詞 (simple event nominal) 作為他們的動名兼類詞，並藉由述語 (predication)來完成其論旨指派。此類虛化動詞也可和英語中的虛化動詞結構相提並論（參考Cattell (1984) and Campbell (1989)）。同樣地，乙類的虛化動詞也和甲類一般，無法指派論旨，但此類動詞對其動名兼類詞並沒有語義上的限制。為了完成句中論元的論旨指派，乙類虛化動詞從其帶論元的動名兼類詞中獲得論旨，此過程稱之為論元傳遞 (Argument Transfer)。此過程同發生在日文虛化動詞的suru是一樣的（參考Grimshaw and Mester (1988)）。最後，本論文將延申理論來探討漢語中可能的虛化動詞「有」和「給」，以及台灣國語中的「用」。本論文並提出可將虛化動詞結構中之特徵 (feature) 抽離檢視。此特徵分別是虛化動詞是否有語義內容，及其動名兼類詞是否帶論元。這兩類特徵將決定在不同虛化動詞結構的組成其及特質。
This thesis aims to discuss the syntactic structures of the light verb constructions in Modern Mandarin Chinese. The light verb construction includes a light verb and a verbal noun in which the verbal noun determines the θ-roles of the arguments in a sentence (cf. Zhu (1985)). I suggest that the light verbs fall mainly into two groups: the ‘make’ group containing “jinxing” and “zuo”, and the ‘give’ group containing “jiayi”, “yuyi”, “geiyi” and “geiyu”. From their different syntactic properties, we can see that these two groups contain different components and therefore have different θ-role assignment mechanisms. The light verbs from the ‘make’ group lose θ-role assignment ability, but retain their c-selection and case assignment ability. Additionally, they impose semantic restriction on their verbal nouns. These light verbs take simple event nominals as their verbal noun complement to complete the θ-role assignment by predication, which requires mutual c-command. This type of light verb construction is on a par with light verb constructions in English (cf. Cattell (1984) and Campbell (1989)). Similarly, like the ‘make’ group, the ‘give’ group cannot assign theta-role, either. However, unlike the ‘make’ group, verbs from this group do not impose semantic restriction on its verbal noun. Furthermore, they take argument-takng nominals as their complement. The theta-role assignment from the verbal noun to arguments in the sentence proceeds in a way comparable to Argument Transfer in light verb constructions in Japanese (cf. Grimshaw and Mester (1988)). Finally, this analysis is extended to the potential light verbs “you” and “gei” in Mandarin Chinese, and “yong” in Taiwanese Mandarin. The features of these light verb constructions are also examined. I argue that the semantic content of the light verb and the argument-taking property of the verbal noun will determine the formation of different light verb constructions.
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