本研究主要著重在兩種句末否定詞的問句(VP-NEG questions)，分別是當句末否定詞為mo或是mang的句構，藉由呈現客語VP-mo問句和中文正反問句的相同處(短語答句、副詞、語氣詞、能產度、中性問句)，我主張客語的VP-mo問句其實就是我們所謂的正反問句，有鑒於這些相同處，我承接了黃(1991)在對中文正反問句的分析時所提出疑問曲折詞組(Interrogative INFL)的抽象概念，我認為VP-mo問句中的mo其實就是疑問曲折詞組的體現。在這樣的分析之下，我提出客語VP-mo問句的形成歷經了兩個階段，首先，否定詞mo歷經了NEG-I-C的位移，再者IP會整個移位到CP spcifier而得到疑問的語意。這樣的分析也適用於分析VP-mang問句的形成，雖然VP-mang不屬於正反問句，但由於mang自身就帶有時貌的語意，進而驅使了否定詞mang歷經NEG-I-C的位移。

另外，此研究也重新檢視了前人對客語疑問句的分類，我認為前人的觀察中，有三項是需要修正的，第一，客語句末的mo不應等同於中文句末的’嗎’，更進一步的說客語句末mo疑問句不應該被歸類為語助詞問句，因為真正的語助詞問句應該要可以跟否定詞一起出現；第二，我證明客語A-ya-m-A的句構不該被視為正反問句，因為A-ya-m-A不受限於孤島約束而且它的正向結構(A)和反向結構(not-A)是可以互換的；第三，我提出[you......mo]被視為正反問句的真正原因是因為mo為疑問曲折詞組的體現，並不是因為you和mo分別擔任A 和not-A的角色，證據來自於在[you......mo]這樣的問句中，省略you並不會改變疑問的語意，這點和中文的正反問句完全不同，因為省略正向結構(A)或反向結構(not-A)都會使得原來的句子喪失疑問的語意。

This study focuses on two kinds of VP-NEG questions in Hakka, VP-mo questions and VP-mang questions. I argue that Hakka VP-mo question is a type of A-not-A question by demonstrating the affinities between Hakka VP-mo questions and Mandarin A-not-A questions (fragment answer, adverbs, particles, productivity, and neutral questions). Granted these similarities, I claim that mo is the overt realization of the A-not-A morpheme embedded under the interrogative INFL node in the spirit of Huang’s (1991) Modularity approach. In this way, I propose that Hakka VP-mo questions are formed by two steps. First, the negator mo undergoes NEG-I-C movement. Then the remaining IP is moved to the spec of CP for forming questions. This analysis can also apply to VP-mang questions. Though VP-mang question is not a type of A-not-A question, the negator mang inherently bears aspectual meaning, which serves as a motivation of NEG-I-C movement.

I also re-evaluate previous classification of Hakka interrogatives. In this study, three kinds of mistaken ideas are modified. First, I show that Hakka sentence final mo is not equal to Mandarin ma. Thus, statements with mo in the sentence final position should not be viewed as particle questions because a true particle question is compatible with negators. Second, I demonstrate that A-ya-m-A questions actually belong to alternative questions because they are free from island constraints and the order of the positive and negative element can be exchanged. Third, I discuss the inherent reason why [you......mo] construction noted in the previous literature can be treated as A-not-A questions. I demonstrate that you is not obligatory in [you......mo] construction, contrary to Mandarin A-not-A questions in which the A part and not-A part should co-exist. Absence of either A part or not-A part will convert the questions into a declarative sentence.

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