本研究探討民主國家的民主正當性課題，並聚焦於大眾的投票抉擇、傳播媒介的使用與民主態度的關係。過去研究指出，民眾因選舉結果是否與自身投票抉擇一致，而對民主體制有不同的看法，故大眾的民主態度將呈現「選舉贏家-輸家差距」的現象。然而，既有研究尚未深入探討民眾的傳播媒介接觸，對其民主態度的影響；且學界對傳播媒介如何影響民眾的政治態度又有不同的解讀，大致分為負面影響的「媒介抑鬱論」，及具有正面意涵的「良性循環論」。因此，本研究欲探討民眾的投票抉擇與媒介使用，究竟如何影響其民主態度？
本研究運用「台灣選舉與民主化調查」的調查資料，分析2020年總統大選後臺灣民眾的民主態度，是否呈現「選舉贏家-輸家差距」，以及個人媒介使用在其中所扮演的角色。研究方法上分別採多元線性迴歸分析「民主滿意度」，並以二元邏輯斯迴歸分析「民主支持」。研究發現如下：第一，大眾的民主態度確實因投票抉擇而異，並呈現「選舉贏家-輸家差距」。第二，對未經歷選舉輸贏的民眾來說，個人的媒介使用對其民主態度具極為正面的影響。第三，選舉贏家個人的媒介使用愈高，其民主滿意度愈高，但選舉輸家個人的媒介使用愈高，民主滿意度卻越低。這代表在媒介使用的情況下，「選舉贏家-輸家差距」將呈現擴大。第四，在民主支持方面，傳播媒介的使用對大眾具有一致的正面影響，意即個人的媒介使用有助於其對民主體制抱持絕對性的信奉與欲求。
綜上所述，本研究發現投票抉擇和傳播媒介，能適用於解釋我國民眾的民主態度。就民主正當性中「輸家同意」的概念，傳播媒介促使選舉輸家對民主體制抱持更為負面的評價。但較慶幸的是，傳播媒介能夠促進我國民眾抱持「絕對性的民主支持」的可能性。整體而言，在民主體制是否得以穩定、鞏固的課題之中，我們須持續關心民眾如何面對選舉結果（尤其敗選）。同時也仍須關注傳播媒介對民眾民主態度的影響。

This study explores the issue of democratic legitimacy in democratic countries, focusing on the relationship between vote choice, media usage, and popular attitudes toward democracy. Previous research has indicated that people's views on the democratic system vary depending on whether election results align with their voting choices, leading to a phenomenon known as the “Winner-Losers Gap” in popular attitudes toward democracy. However, existing studies have yet to thoroughly examined how mass media exposure influences their democratic attitudes. Additionally, the academic community has different interpretations of how media influences political attitudes, broadly categorized into the negatively connoted “Media Malaise Theory” and positively connoted “Virtuous Cycle Theory.” Therefore, this study aims to explore how voting choices and media usage impact people's democratic attitudes.
This study utilizes data from “Taiwan’s Election and Democratization Study” to analyze the popular attitude toward democracy of Taiwanese citizens following the 2020 presidential election, examining whether there is “Winner-Losers Gap” and the role of individual media usage. The research employs multiple linear regression assess “Satisfaction with Democratic” and binary logistic regression to evaluate “Support for Democratic.” The findings are as follows: First, popular attitudes toward democracy do indeed vary based on voting choices, exhibiting a “Winner-Losers Gap.” Second, for those who did not experience election results as winners or losers, individual media usage has a highly positive impact on their democratic attitudes. Third, higher individual media usage among election winners correlates with greater satisfaction with democratic, whereas higher individual media usage among election losers correlates with lower satisfaction with democratic. This indicates that media usage can amplify the “Winner-Losers Gap.” Fourth, regarding support for democratic, media usage consistently has a positive impact on the general public. This means that individual media usage contributes to an absolute belief in and desire for the democratic system.
In conclusion, this study finds that voting choices and media usage can be applied to explain popular attitudes toward democracy in Taiwan. Regarding concept of “Loser’s Consent” in democratic legitimacy, media usage causes election losers to hold a more negative view of the democratic system. Fortunately, media usage can also promote the likelihood of citizens holding “Absolute Support for Democracy.” Overall, in the context of whether the democratic system can be stabilized and consolidated, we must continue to pay attention to how citizens respond to election results (especially losses). At the same time, we must also focus on the impact of media usage on popular attitude toward democracy.

中文部分
王宏恩（2021）。台灣民眾的政治資訊接收（2004－2020）－探索性的分析。臺灣民主季刊，18（4），107-128。
王嵩音（2010）。台灣選民媒介使用對於候選人形象與評價之影響：傳統媒介vs.新媒介。傳播與管理研究，10（1），3-35。
王靖興（2023）。影響臺灣民眾新聞迴避的原因及其對個人民主態度的影響。選舉研究，30（2），45-84。
台灣媒體觀察教育基金會（2019）。2019 台灣新聞媒體可信度研究。財團法人台灣媒體觀察教育基金會。https://www.mediawatch.org.tw/news/9911
朱雲漢（2004）。臺灣民主發展的困境與挑戰。臺灣民主季刊，1（1），143-162。
李弘繹、張佑宗（2022）。負面黨性與投票抉擇：2004-2020年臺灣總統選舉的分析。選舉研究，29（2），35-71。
林奕孜（2021）。臺灣所得分配與民主制度的評價－是異例嗎？。臺灣民主季刊，18（4），43-74。
林聰吉（2007a）。政治支持與民主鞏固。政治科學論叢，（34），71-104。
林聰吉（2007b）。解析台灣的民主政治：以民主支持度與滿意度為觀察指標。選舉研究，14（1），61-84。
林聰吉（2013）。換了位置就換了腦袋嗎？—探索台灣總統大選的選舉輸家。臺灣民主季刊，10（1），1-34。
林瓊珠（2012）。穩定與變動：台灣民眾的「台灣人／中國人」認同與統獨立場之分析。選舉研究，19（1），97-127。
俞振華、林啟耀（2013）。解析台灣民眾統獨偏好：一個兩難又不確定的選擇。台灣政治學刊，17（2），165-230。
孫秀蕙（1995）。比較臺灣省選民傳統媒體與新媒體的使用對政治行為的影響--以民國83年臺灣省長選舉為例。選舉研究，2（1），93-118。
張佑宗（2009）。選舉輸家與民主鞏固－台灣2004年總統選舉落選陣營對民主的態度。臺灣民主季刊，6（1），41-72。
張佑宗（2011）。選舉結果、政治學習與民主支持－兩次政黨輪替後台灣公民在民主態度與價值的變遷。臺灣民主季刊，8（2），99-137。
張佑宗、朱雲漢（2010）。威權韌性與民主赤字21 世紀初葉民主化研究的趨勢與前瞻。載於吳玉山、林繼文、冷則剛（主編），政治學的回顧與前瞻（頁121-150）。五南。
張卿卿（2002）。競選媒體使用對選民競選議題知識與政治效能感的影響－以兩千年總統大選為例。選舉研究，9（1），1-39。
張傳賢（2009）。民主的脆弱性與鞏固：一個敗者同意的視角。政治科學論叢，（42），43-83。
張傳賢（2019） 。台湾における2018年直轄市．県市長選挙の状況分析（2018年台灣直轄市與縣市長選舉選情分析）。問題と研究，48（2），43-80。
Chang, Alex Chuan-hsien. (2019) .The 2018 Taiwan's Mayoral and Magisterial Elections. Issues & Studies, 48(2), 43-80。
盛治仁（2004）。媒體、民調和議題—談競選過程中民意的變動性和穩定性。選舉研究，11（1），73-98。
陳陸輝（2019）。台灣的民主治理與政治支持。東亞研究，50（1），119-152。
陳陸輝（2023）。外在威脅與選舉競爭：2020年總統選舉的分析。問題與研究，62（4），79-104。
陳憶寧（2001）。總統候選人攻擊性新聞報導與其支持度的關聯—以公元兩千年總統大選為例。新聞學研究，（69），113-140。
陳憶寧（2003）。2001年台北縣長選舉公關稿之議題設定研究：政治競選言說功能分析之應用。新聞學研究，（74），45-72。
陳憶寧、溫嘉禾、許悅（2022）。議題的力量：由大數據解析2020年台灣總統大選中的議題。傳播與社會學刊，（59），13-45。
陳憶寧、羅文輝（2006）。媒介使用與政治資本。新聞學研究，（88），83-134.。
彭懷恩（2007）。政治傳播：理論與實踐。風雲論壇。
曾婷瑄（2022年5月20日）。無國界記者：台灣為民主世界典範 應改善媒體環境。中央通訊社。https://www.cna.com.tw/news/aipl/202205190017.aspx
黃秀端（2006）。總統、內閣總理大臣，還是超級君主？－從7次憲改的經驗談中央政府體制的選擇。司法改革雜誌，（61），59-63。
黃秀端、吳俊德、張一彬、林瓊珠（2020）。政治知識的面向與政治參與的類型。政治科學論叢，（84），1-38。
黃紀（2020）。2016年至2020年「選舉與民主化調查」四年期研究規劃(4/4)：2020年總統與立法委員選舉面訪案」(TEDS2020)（MOST 105-2420-H-004-015-SS4）。行政院國家科學委員會補助專題研究計畫（成果報告）。
黃信豪（2011）。民主態度的類型：台灣民眾二次政黨輪替後的分析。選舉研究，18（1），1-34。
黃信豪（2016）。大眾民主認知與政治學習－不同政治體制的比較分析。臺灣民主季刊，13（3），1-44。
黃信豪（2020）。再探臺灣的「批判性公民」：2008-2016。選舉研究，27（1），39-84。
劉念夏（2009）。媒介使用與投票參與：正向增強或負向抑制？。選舉評論，（7），1-21。
劉嘉薇（2008）。大眾傳播媒介對大學生政治支持的影響—一項定群追蹤的研究。［未出版之博士論文］。國立政治大學政治學系。
劉嘉薇、黃紀（2010）。持續與變遷－政治資訊對大學生政治信任感影響之定群追蹤研究。政治學報，（50），111-146。
劉嘉薇、黃紀（2012）。父母政黨偏好組合對大學生政黨偏好之影響－定群追蹤之研究。臺灣民主季刊，9（3），37-84。
蕭怡靖（2019）。台灣民衆的黨性極化及其對民主態度的影響。台灣政治學刊，23（2），41-85。
蕭怡靖（2023）。臺灣選民投票抉擇時間點的成因與影響：以2020年總統選舉為例。東吳政治學報，41（1），197-242。
蕭怡靖、游清鑫（2012）。檢測台灣民眾六分類統獨立場：一個測量改進的提出。台灣政治學刊，16（2），65-116。
蕭怡靖、鄭夙芬（2014）。台灣民眾對左右意識型態的認知：以統獨議題取代左右意識型態檢測台灣的政黨極化。台灣政治學刊，18（2），79-138。
簡恒宇（2020年4月21日）。2020新聞自由指數》台灣維持亞洲第2名！無國界記者：改善媒體環境是台灣民主最後一哩路。風傳媒。https://www.storm.mg/article/2543545
羅文輝、黃怡嘉（2010）。2008年電視總統選舉新聞的政黨偏差。傳播與社會學刊，（11），165-189。 
英文部分
Almond, G. A., & Verba, S. (1963). The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations. Princeton University Press.
Ananda, A., & Bol, D. (2021). Does Knowing Democracy Affect Answers to Democratic Support Questions? A Survey Experiment in Indonesia. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 33(2), 433–443.
Anderson, C. J., & LoTempio, A. J. (2002). Winning, Losing and Political Trust in America. British Journal of Political Science, 32(2), 335-351.
Anderson, C. J., & Tverdova, Y. V. (2001). Winners, Losers, and Attitudes about Government in Contemporary Democracies. International Political Science Review, 22(4), 321-338.
Anderson, C. J., Blais, A., Bowler, S., Donovan, T., Listhaug, O. (2005). Losers’ Consent: Elections and Democratic Legitimacy. Oxford University Press.
Ansolabehere, S., & Iyengar, S. (1995). Going Negative: How Political Advertisements Shrink and Polarize the Electorate. Free Press.
Avery, J. M. (2009). Videomalaise or Virtuous Circle?: The Influence of the News Media on Political Trust. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 14(4), 410-433.
Babutsidze, Z., Blankenberg, A.-K., & Chai, A. (2023). The Effect of Traditional Media Consumption and Internet Use on Environmental Attitudes in Europe. Journal of Evolutionary Economics, 33(2), 309–340.
Balch, G.I. (1974). Multiple Indicators in Survey Research: The Concept “Sense of Political Efficacy”. Political Methodology, 1(2), 1-43.
Banducci, S. A., & Karp, J. A. (2003). How Elections Change the Way Citizens View the Political System: Campaigns, Media Effects and Electoral Outcomes in Comparative Perspective. British Journal of Political Science, 33(3), 443–467.
Berelson, B.R., Lazarsfeld, P.F., & Mcphee, W.N. (1954). Voting: A Study of Opinion Formation in a Presidential Campaign. University of Chicago Press.
Blair, A. M. (2010). Too Much to Know: Managing Scholarly Information before the Modern Age. Yale University Press.
Blais, A., & Gélineau, F. (2007). Winning, Losing and Satisfaction with Democracy. Political Studies, 55(2), 425-441.
British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC). (2021, January 7). Capitol riots: Congress certifies Joe Biden's victory after chaotic scenes. BBC. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-55568621
Campbell, A., & Gurin, G. & Miller, W.E (1954). The Voter Decides. Row, Peterson.
Carothers, T., & Press, B. (2022). Understanding and Responding to Global Democratic Backsliding. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
Ceron, A., & Memoli, V. (2016). Flames and Debates: Do Social Media Affect Satisfaction with Democracy? Social Indicators Research, 126(1), 225–240.
Chaffee, S. H., & Schleuder, J. (1986). Measurement and Effects of Attention to Media News. Human Communication Research, 13(1), 76–107.
Chang, W.-C. (2017). Media Use, Democratic Values, and Political Participation: Empirical Evidence from Taiwan. Japanese Journal of Political Science, 18(3), 385-406.
Chang, W.-C. (2018). Media Use and Satisfaction with Democracy: Testing the Role of Political Interest. Social Indicators Research, 140(3), 999–1016.
Chen, Y.-N. (1999). The Effects of Political Attack Discourse in Presidential News Reports: The Interactions of Attack News Discourse, Public Attitude toward the President and Toward the Press, 1972-1996 [Unpublished doctoral dissertation]. The University of Texas.
Cho, Y. (2014). To Know Democracy Is to Love It: A Cross-National Analysis of Democratic Understanding and Political Support for Democracy. Political Research Quarterly, 67(3), 478-488.
Cigler, A. J., & Getter, R. (1977). Conflict Reduction in the Post-Election Period: a Test of the Depolarization Thesis. Western Political Quarterly, 30(3), 363-376.
Claassen, C. (2020). Does Public Support Help Democracy Survive? American Journal of Political Science, 64(1), 118–134.
Conroy-Krutz, J., & Moehler, D. C. (2015). Moderation from Bias: A Field Experiment on Partisan Media in a New Democracy. Journal of Politics, 77(2), 575–587.
Craig, S. C., Martinez, M. D., Gainous, J., & Kane, J. G. (2006). Winners, Losers, and Election Context: Voter Responses to the 2000 Presidential Election. Political Research Quarterly, 59(4), 579-592.
Culbertson, H. M., & Stempel, G. H. (1986). How Media Use and Reliance Affect Knowledge Level. Communication Research, 13(4), 579-602.
Curran, J., Coen, S., Soroka, S., Aalberg, T., Hayashi, K., Hichy, Z., Iyengar, S., Jones, P., Mazzoleni, G., Papathanassopoulos, S., Rhee, J. W., Rojas, H., Rowe, D., & Tiffen, R. (2014). Reconsidering ‘Virtuous Circle’ and ‘Media Malaise’ Theories of the Media: An 11-nation study. Journalism, 15(7), 815–833.
Dahl, R. (1971). Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition. Yale University Press.
Dalton, R. J. (1999). Political Support in Advanced Industrial Democracies. In Pippa Norris (Ed.), Critical Citizens: Global Support for Democratic Government (pp. 57-77). Oxford University Press.
Dalton, R. J. (2004). Democratic Challenges Democratic Choices: The Erosion of Political Support in Advanced Industrial Democracies. Oxford University Press.
Dawson, R. E., Prewitt, K., & Dawson, K. S. (1977). Political Socialization: An Analytic Study. Little, Brown.
de Vreese, C. H. (2005). The Spiral of Cynicism Reconsidered. European Journal of Communication, 20(3), 283–301.
de Vreese, C. H., & Semetko, H. A. (2002). Cynical and Engaged: Strategic Campaign Coverage, Public Opinion, and Mobilization in a Referendum. Communication Research, 29(6), 615-641.
de Vreese, C.H., & Boomgaarden, H.G. (2006). News, Political Knowledge and Participation: The Differential Effects of News Media Exposure on Political Knowledge and Participation. Acta Politica, 41, 317-341.
Dewey, J., Morris, D., & Shapiro, I. (1993). The Political Writings. Hackett Publishing Company.
Diamond L. J. (1999). Developing Democracy: Toward Consolidation. Johns Hopkins University Press.
Donovan, T., & Karp, J. A. (2006). Popular Support for Direct Democracy. Party Politics, 12(5), 671-688.
Dostie-Goulet, E. (2009). Social Networks and The Development of Political Interest. Journal of Youth Studies, 12(4), 405–421.
Eveland, W. P., Hutchens, M. J., & Shen, F. (2009). Exposure, Attention, or “Use” of News? Assessing Aspects of the Reliability and Validity of a Central Concept in Political Communication Research. Communication Methods and Measures, 3(4), 223 - 244.
Festinger, L. (1957). A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance. Stanford University Press.
Festinger, L. (1964). Conflict, Decision, and Dissonance. Stanford University Press.
Fiss, O. M., (1996). The Irony of Free Speech. Harvard University Press.
Foa, R.S., & Mounk, Y. (2017). The Signs of Deconsolidation. Journal of Democracy 28(1), 5-15.
Hansen, S. W., Klemmensen, R., & Serritzlew, S. (2019). Losers Lose More than Winners Win: Asymmetrical Effects of Winning and Losing in Elections. European Journal of Political Research, 58(4), 1172–1190.
Hayes, D. (2010). The Dynamics of Agenda Convergence and the Paradox of Competitiveness in Presidential Campaigns. Political Research Quarterly, 63(3), 594-611.
Herreros, F., & Criado, H. (2007). Corruption and the Disparty in Levels of Political Support by Winners and Losers. Canadian Journal of Political Science, 40, 507-518.
Huntington, S. P. (1991). The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century. University of Oklahoma Press.
Johnson T. J., Braima M. A. M., & Sothirajah J. (2000). Measure for Measure: The Relationship Between Different Broadcast Types, Formats, Measures and Political Behaviors and Cognitions. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 44(1), 43-61.
Kahneman, D., & Tversky, A. (1979). Prospect Theory: An Analysis of Decision under Risk. Econometrica, 47(2), 263–291.
Klingemann, H. D. (1999). Mapping Political Support in the 1990s: A Global Analysis. In P. Norris (Ed.), Critical Citizens: Global Support for Democratic Government (pp. 31-56). Oxford University Press.
Lang, K., & Lang, G. (1959). The Mass Media and Voting. In A. J. Brodbeck, & A. E. Burdick (Eds.), American Voting Behavior (pp. 217-235). Free Press.
Lang, K., & Lang, G. (1966). The Mass Media and Voting, In B. Berelson & M. Janowitz (Eds.), Reader in Public Opinion and Communication (pp. 455-472). Free Press.
Linz, J. J., & Stepan A. (1996). Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America and Post- Communist Europe. The Johns Hopkins University Press.
Lipset, S. M. (1959). Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy. American Political Science Review 53(1): 68-105.
Lipset, S. M. (1960). Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics. Doubleday.
Lupia, A., & Philpot, T. S. (2005). Views from Inside the Net: How Websites Affect Young Adults’ Political Interest. Journal of Politics, 67(4), 1122–1142.
Martinelli, K. A., & Chaffee, S. H. (1995). Measuring New-Voter Learning Via Three Channels of Political Information. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 72(1), 18-32.
McLeod, J. M., & McDonald, D. G. (1985). BEYOND SIMPLE EXPOSURE: Media Orientations and Their Impact on Political Processes. Communication Research, 12(1), 3-33.
Miller, A. H., & Listhaug, O. (1999). Political Performance and Institutional Trust. In P. Norris (Ed.), Critical Citizens: Global Support for Democratic Government (pp. 204-216). Oxford University Press.
Moehler, D. (2009). Critical Citizens and Submissive Subjects: Election Losers and Winners in Africa. British Journal of Political Science, 39(2), 345-366.
Nadeau, R., & Blais, A. (1993). Accepting the Election Outcome: The Effect of Participation on Losers’ Consent. British Journal of Political Science, 23(4), 553–563.
Nadeau, R., Daoust, J.-F., & Dassonneville, R. (2023). Winning, Losing, and the Quality of Democracy. Political Studies, 71(2), 483-500.
Newton, K. (1999). Mass Media Effects: Mobilization or Media Malaise? British Journal of Political Science, 29(4), 577–599.
Norris, P. (1999). Introduction: The Growth of Critical Citizens? In P. Norris (Ed), Critical Citizens: Global Support for Democratic Government (pp. 1-27). Oxford University Press.
Norris, P. (2000). A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Postindustrial Societies. Cambridge University Press.
Norris, P. (2011). Democratic Deficit: Critical Citizens Revisited. Cambridge University Press.
O’Donnell, G., & Schmitter, P. C. (1986). Transition From Authoritarian Rules: Tentative conclusions about Uncertain Democracies. Baltimore. The Johns Hopkins University Press.
Patterson, T. (1993). Out of Order. Knopf.
Posetti, J., & Bontcheva, K. (2020). DISINFODEMIC: Deciphering COVID-19 Disinformation. United Nations Education Scientific and Cultural Organization.
Retrieved from https://www.hsdl.org/?view&did=836964.
Price, V., & Romantan, A. (2004). Confidence in Institutions Before, During, and After “Indecision 2000”. The Journal of Politics, 66, 939-956.
Puhle, H., Diamandouros, N.P., & Gunther, R. (1996). O'Donnell's "Illusions": A Rejoinder. Journal of Democracy, 7(4), 151 - 159.
Putnam, R. D. (2000). Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of American Community. Touchstone Books/Simon & Schuster.
Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism（2023）, Digital News Report 2023. RISJ. https://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/digital-news-report/2023
Rich, T. S. (2015). Losers’ Consent or Non-Voter Consent? Satisfaction with Democracy in East Asia. Asian Journal of Political Science, 23(3), 243–259.
Rich, T., & Treece, M. (2018). Losers' and Non-voters' Consent: Democratic Satisfaction in the 2009 and 2013 Elections in Germany. Government and Opposition, 53(3), 416-436.
Riker, W. H. (1982). Liberalism Against Populism: A Confrontation Between the Theory of Democracy and the Theory of Social Choice. W.H. Freeman.
Robinson, M. J. (1976). Public Affairs Television and the Growth of Political Malaise: The Case of “The Selling of the Pentagon.” The American Political Science Review, 70(2), 409–432.
Rose, C. R., Mishler W., & Haerpfer, C. W. (1998). Democracy and its Alternatives: Understanding Post-communist Societies. Johns Hopkins University Press.
Rose, R., & Mishler, W. (2007). Explaining the Gap between the Experience and Perception of Corruption. Centre for the Study of Public Policy, U. of Aberdeen: Studies in Public Policy, 432.
Sabato, L. J. (1991). Feeding frenzy: How attack journalism has transformed American politics. Free Press.
Schmitter, P. C. (2004). The Quality of Democracy: The Ambiguous Virtues of Accountability. Journal of Democracy, 15, 47 - 60.
Schuck, A. R. T. (2017) Media Malaise and Political Cynicism. In: P. Rössler, C. Hoffner, L. van Zoonen (Eds) The International Encyclopedia of Media Effects (pp. 1–19). Wiley
Sebastián F.. (2023, January 9). Invasión violenta de partidarios de Bolsonaro en las sedes de los tres poderes en Brasil: "Es un intento de golpe de Estado". El Mundo.https://www.elmundo.es/internacional/2023/01/08/63bb0f9ffc6c83f24d8b459a.html
Shepsle, K. A. (2003). Losers in Politics (And How They Sometimes Become Winners): William Riker’s Heresthetic. Perspectives on Politics, 1(2), 307–315.
Strömbäck, J., Djerf-Pierre, M., & Shehata, A. (2016). A Question of Time? A Longitudinal Analysis of the Relationship between News Media Consumption and Political Trust. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 21(1), 88-110.
Tavits, M. (2008). Representation, Corruption, and Subjective Well-Being. Comparative Political Studies, 41(12), 1607-1630.
United Nations. Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). (2021). Inoculating against COVID-19 misinformation. UNESCO.
University of Minnesota Libraries Publishing. (2016). American Government and Politics in the Information Age. Minneapolis University of Minnesota Libraries Publishing.
Valentino, N. A., Buhr, T. A., & Beckmann, M. N. (2001). When the Frame is the Game: Revisiting the Impact of “Strategic” Campaign Coverage on Citizens’ Information Retention. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 78(1), 93-112.
Waldner, D., & Lust, E. (2018). Unwelcome Change: Coming to Terms with Democratic Backsliding. Annual Review of Political Science, 21, 93-113.
Zaller, J. R. (1992). The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion. Cambridge University Press.